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HORACE GREELEY, 

"THE CHAPPAQUA SAGE." 

WHAT HE KNOWS ABOUT PARTISAN POLITICS- GLANCES ? 
AT HIS POLITICAL RECORD. 



Sudden changes of opinion always excite distrust unless they are accompanied by 
causes so adequate and apparent that the metamorphosis is at once e^ptained Whea 

hJ'^Zf^r?'''^''^''''''^' ^-'^ ^^-^ '?.?^' ^^^ ^^^'^ °« l^Sical or sufBcieut reason caa 
be perceived for a revolution in life-long action and sentiment, there naturally 
arises a suspicion of hidden mercsnary, sellish, or dishonorable motiveg. If the con- 
JSr;. ' j"' 'T^ •^'^r '^ ^"1 • ''^^^^"y inexplicable, ^vas calculated to subservs 
n^f h^^'^^l'.T^ a continuance in the former sentiments would 

Tm.^^ K bonest conviction and high-minded sincerity in the premises vould 

almost, or quite, '.raoant to certainty. 

W^MtW^ r^'^'^^ ^^i9^^ HDrace Greeley now occupies in the minds of those who 
t^o\ Wplf . k"" ^'' P°^'^''^^ coadjutors. Like Saul of Tarsus he has suddenly be- 
W .n^ I '^ companionship of those whom he has ever before denounced as 

to tLTp wlfn f^f • ^V\^ case of the saint there was alight in the heavens visible 
. onffthTwS "^^^^.^bout ; but in the case of the Chappaqua philosopher there 
nr.I r ^'f''''°^^^°f Cimmenan darkness, far from suggestive of anything celestial. 
SiTpb fn? « '^ ^"^ ^'''';^'1 ^^^ Repuhcans, nay more, the censures and oly-urgations 
Sm t r.irr^ ^'^'IH ^"^^^27^^ "P^^^ their opponents, he now pours out upon 
fnS^^.lj \i''''"''%^^^l ^\' Democrats make it their greatest boast that they are 
unchanged. Horace Greeley has not kept his "first estate," politically, he is- 

" 5F^^'?.^^^'^'o°o, flaming from th' etherial sky. 
With hideous ruin and combustion, down 
To bottomless perdition." 

WrilfJ^w """i^-? ^^f^i^^^ tje great and noble party t6 which he was attached, but his 
hatred toward it will hereafter be greater than that of a person who nevei belonged to 
It. JJunngthe old wars between the Mahometans and Christians, the latte^were 
accustomed to say that ''one renegade was worse than ten Turks." There is a natural 
abhorrence in the human mind against treachery and selfish desertion. The rene- 
Enn 0^1 ° i'"'''^^'/- He is sensible of the meed he deserves from faithful and 
honorable minds, and he hates those who award it to. him. As the Northern dough- 
Zi^!^^7^? ^^^ "'V slf^emongers in their obsequiousness and 'devotion to the 
system of slavery, so Greeley and the Tribune will now exceed Marble and the World 
Siblica?s ^ ^^^^' malignancy, and venom with which they will pursue the Re- 

^.^7f r^'^^^^-^^^'^o^/^P^^tion and prominence as a partisan jnid pungent editor 
f ifc °^ ^^^"' 'V^¥' '^ ^^^ ^'^"^ Patent to all who knew, and to alllvhrcriti- 
anfcnnSl ^''^' '^^^1' espec ally lacked the qualifications' necessary for an able 
men likf ?/ f ^'- w^^^ ^%T'°'' <^=^^Paign was maiaged by shrewd Ld sagacious 
wr1?pl k! 5- 7 i ^"^. ^'^^- • Tliey made use of Greeley to great advantage, and as a 
writer he did efficient execution. He was handled so adroitly that he fancied he was 
^ w '^^'''^^u'^ controlhng mind, and wished to establish a triumvirate with Seward 
nJ^.l. !L •. t ^^ ^^Z ^^ ""^^ ""^'^ "^^".^^ ^ ^"^^ter, but would be ruinous as a leader. . 
^lilZf^I^l-''' a^'i^g'^eedy and anxious as Greeley has always been for offioe, 
neither the VVhigs nor Republicans ever dared to trust him in prominent and execu- 
tive positions, if he now and then received a nomination, he invaj-iably ran behind 
his party ticke , and the circulation and popularity of the Tribune never could give 
him a respectable currency as a candidate. The frequent disappointments he suffered 
Z LF^o'T "'vf''^ '^^ ^'T to dissolve the firm of Seward, Weed, and Gree- 
ley, and siace tnen, like BarKis, ho has always been willing, and always unsuccessful, ' 



.G8V\s3 



)t i:i servlns oat a month or two of somebodyelse's term in Cjii-^F'-.s. wh^-,;-^ 



irv 




elect 




would 
and 



Dur'ii''' Lincoln's celebrated canvass with Dougla=!S, and during tbe legislative cki- 
testTvhi'h followed 1% Greeley was quite as much for llie latter as the jormor. de 
electioneered for Lincoln about as be did for the ilepublioans in (^onneotir-it list 
Alttrwards. at the Convention in Chicago, where Lincoln was^ tir t ;-oini- 

Lincoiri, SiMvard, and 
had 
that 
his 
_ d 

conception ofTta"te3man'ship,V repudiating Lincoln and Scward, arui men of that 
calibre, and advocating a man that no one else ever dreamed of for 1 resident— Jid- 
■ward Bates Mr. Lincoln was perpetually annoyed and worried by this same tnineaa 
politician, daring all his Administration. At one time it would be his heedless •' oa 
^to Richmond," at another his cowardly counsel to make degrading and smcidal con- 
ceexiOQS, and at another by prosecuting insane negotiations in Canada. _ 

As cai'ly as November 9, 1860, ho demonstrated how safe and judicious it woi 
have been to have intrusted the guidance of these United States to his sagacity a 
wisdom. In the rriiune of that date he says : ,, ^n 

*' And now, if the cotton States considered the value of the Union debatable, _wa 
maintam their perfect right to discuss it. Nay, we hold with Jefferson to the in- 
alienable ri'-ht of communities to alter or abolish form3 of government that have be- 
come oppressive or injurious ; and, if the cotton States shall decide that they can do 
bcLUr out of the Union, than in it, we insist on letting them go m peaee. ihe r;ght 
'to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless; and we do t:oi see 

ho 

We 

nuliify or defy v^- , - ^. . ,,,,,-,-,- i 

And, whenever a considerable section ot our Union shall deliuorateiy resolve i.j go 
■out, we shall resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. ^ Vv'e hope licvrr co 
live in a Pepublic whc.eof one section is pinned to the residue by onyouecr;. 

On the 17th of December, 1800, the Chappaqua jurist, patriot, a.id philanthropist, 
evinced his acumen by telling w/^a^ he knew about the DscWaUon of Independsucs. 

" We hove repeatedly asked those who disaeut from our vlaw ij-i' [h\3 matter to tell 
ua f'-aukly whether they do not assent to Mr- Je9'<>r'^on'3 statement in tho Declaration 
" " that governments 'derive their jV/s/ powers from C.ii^ consent <-{/ iAc 



secede mav be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertiieless ; ana we uo i:oi see 
cv oneparty'canhavea right to do what another party has a nght to prevout. 
e must ever resist the asserted right or any State V) rcmam in the bnion. and 
iliify or defy thc-Uws thereof; to withdraw from the Union is quite anothsV naUar. 




ofih 

sion 

take: 

out 

eDenJivT,"in a detested Union with them, by military force- , • -, . 

"If seven or eight contiguous States cb.all present tliem^-ives p.utnenucauy ai. 
Washluo-ton, saying 'Wc hate the Federal Union; ws have withdrawn from itj we 
give you the choice betv.'f;en acquie-^eing in our secession and^ arranging^ amicr-Oi.Y aJ 
incidental questions 
could not stand itp fo 

jusL We hold the right ot gcit-goveriim^.iio ^..^^^^, 
those who deny it to others-" . . ., • • 

Farther alon^ in the same article we may 5.-ce him invoking the incoming Aam-.nia- 
tration to precipitate itself against ''fugi'Ace slaves," and no^ it is expected by 
some that he will receive the "negro vote" with grateful acclamation. _ He says: 

"We fully realize that the dilemma of the incoming Administration will be a 
critical one. It must endeavor to uphold and enforce the laws, as well a^a,inst re- 
hellious slavaholdcrs as fugitive slaves. The President must fulQU the obligations 
assumed in his inauguration oath, but if ever;' sivea oreigM^ .^ates" sendugtntsto 
Washington to say, " ]Vc want to go ottt of the Union,' wc snail feel constravied by 




3 

^_ <5ne week later December 2-i, ISGO, Mr. Greeley poured out his soul ^\tV . nf,,' 
>- lanthropy at which Jeft Davis and his yet unrepentant follo^rers may ckn thei^ ^f^l 
v_J and nail a brother secessionist; He says : ■' "^-^.v t-'<ip rnei. iiands 

i. "Jlost certainly W3 believe that Gove'rnments are made for pennies notn-.r,!., 

^ .for Governments— that the alter '= derive thei- irq^ nn-v^r fr^J .7 ' ' ^ ^ '^Pl®** 

^>^ goven.edV; and whenever a porHon of^U^Ji^^„^^^^^^,?l^ 

pe-He;it, self- subsisting nation, shall see fit to say, anthentica! v ^n tla '"^ ®' 

• vVewant to go away &om you," we shHl gnv-'-nd v^Hr ?.f ^'ip ® '<5^i5ue, 

regard for the "pnncioles of self gov^rament w^ll "e-tcT" f "' ,'"^^-^^^.P««^^' 'S "°* 

American peopk to say-'' Go !" U^ ne'S^It h-d sfn.^^ ^^ "''•'''^"^ ''^ t^« 
..Ivc-3orour neighborLjs to wi,h \o \Td X^g'^j;^ f j^P^^^^^^ opimon of our- 

But the dissolution of a Government c^nnorbreff^ct'ed'Tn 'heT^'XSd ^ 
^'liocking dovrn a hon.se^of cards. Let the cotton State., or any six or mX qi °/ 
say, nnequivocally, ' TVe want to grt out of the Union." and pJopos^trV&n^fw: 
end peaceful yand«moffensively, and .ve will do our best to^heb them oS nnf 
:bat we want them togo, but that we loathe the idea of compelling tE f o I'3? 

Rre days after the inauguration as President of the ConfedeS S/ o? tY^f 
cistingmshed citizen who was subseauentlv bnil^f^ tr-ui, o,-,„i i -. States, ot that- 
ley the latter in the M«ne%7 Feb'rS723'\Vt^I.^^i^,^^\ts ''"'^ ""' ''^' ^'•^«' 

•' V/e have repeatedly said, and we once more in ,cf <{ot t^' , . ., 

bodied by Jefferson in the Declaration o^t^vA^f' \^f ^ie great principle em- 
inent, derive their just po^4rs from thAo^.enro^ ?'? I"'^«P«"dence, that Govern- 
ftud that if the slave States, ^^he cott^; s; S ' or t^rTf^qf;/' '""? ^ \^<^ j'^^*' 
form an independent nation, thev have a dZ'rr-J S^ Gulf States only, choose to 
said, and s^ili maintain, that provSer/hTco^^^^^^ right to do so : We have 

Eiade up their niinda to ^o b^ themselves T^eSSl^^f /7lf^ ^\^ definitely 

J^^r^^W^ ^telw'' ""i ?^e<l"e°«y persist in opinions which apr>ear 

... e'vt'oVif siisjie^^tTsSat S*i nt^'v 'Vhfr '"^^i 

ja^j,„_ . New roRK, September 2, 1884. 

Your Exc£LLEKCY :^ The undersigned have been requested by a body of influential 
^SX\.S^^:f' ''' '''■'' Governors. V the ^^^^^lu^^ 

1. In your judgment is the re-election of Mr. Li>fCOLX a probability? 

2. In your judgment can your own State be carried for Mr. Lixcoi n ? 

oute the sXftSf n f"" ^^« "^t^^^sts of the Union party, and so of the countrv, re- 
^ n n,^ • .f ^ °^ ^°°'^''.' ^^"^1 Jate in place of Sir. Lincoi.v ? 

th^;or;.^:Je"^nrcrsfrure° °^^^^°° '' °" °^-"' ^"^ -'^-^^ ^-- -^-^- f-^ 

"Yours truly, HORACE GREELLY, 

_, -- , Editor of the Tj'/^Jimc, (and * wo others.) 

•' nSn .-P^fv^'^H^^'"' GreeJey'8 interrogatories n. thev wi!! answer t'no.e of 
ferbuUhei'n^h^'f-th- ^' 'Tf ''^r ^P-^?^°^^"'^ «'■ ^^''^ --- °!-'i^- -^ cou 



Accordipg to John IJauvi-M :ht' ground before the erlrancG to the cave of the giants, 
Pope and Pagan, was covered with blood, bonts. ashes, aud mangled bodies. This 
might be said metaphorically of the approaches to the Preside^ jy. For a lon^ num- 
ber of years we have seen men of ability and reputation sacrihcing all the true honors 
of their lives to the insane idea of becoming President. When once an individual is 
seized by this madness it becomes an infection that never leaves him. From the first 
moment of the attack, he grows more and more reckless and unprincipled, repudiates 
his,formtr must cherishf d sentiments, turns his back on old and tried friends, forms 
alliances with those who had always detested him, and iinally, 

" Living, ejiall forfeit fair renown, 

■ And doubly dying, shall go down 
To the vile dust from whence he sprung. 
Unwept, uuhonoicd and unsung." . 

This Presidential fever is inveterate and incurable. It seizes the citadel of life, and 
renders its victim ridiculous and contempLiblo. 

"It is a green ey'd monster, which doth inake 
The meat it feeds on." 

The most coarpicuous instance of the malady at present maybe seen in Horace 
Greeley, the s&go, philosopher, and wood-cutter of Chappaqua. Before he became & 
victim to the madness that now possesses him, he had deJinite notions of the Presi- 
dentiul disease, was well acquainted with its fympl.oms, and had a clear perception of 
its intrac'aide and contaminating character. At a banquet given in Montreal, in 1863, 
Mr. Greeley, in spe.iking of Daniel Webster, made use of the following language: 

" Mn Webster v«-as not only a gentleman, but he had the elements of moral great- 
ne? s ; and he had faults as wcl". He failed only in one respect, and in this respect I 
differ from him— he wanted to be PreKide^.t, and I don't. [Cheers and laughter.] 
But for that one misfortune he would have been the greatest man America ever pro- 
duced. We have seen our greatest man, Mr. Cb.a;e, making the same blunder. I 
have seen men who had the disease early, and died of it at a vcrj old age. [Laughter.] 
General Lewis Cass died at about eighty-two, and np to the day of his death he 
wanted to be President. No one ever escapes who once catches the disease ; and ho 
lives and dies in the delusion. Being a reader and an observer at an early age, I saw 
how it poisoned and paralyzed the very best of our public men, and I have carefully 
avoided it." v1 

Two' years only have elapsed since this utterance, and already may ilr. Greeley 
be t; l-'ressed in the words ot the Roman satirist — 

" Change but the name of thee, the tale is told." 

Altiiouih always erratic and visionary, always wedded to specious fallacies, always 
abouDcIing in contradictions, yet he hus now involved himself in a mesh of antago- 
nisms -which are wonderful in comparison with his former position. 

Wo propose to contrast Greeley, the Radical Republican, with Greeley, the " Lib- 
eral Rc'publican." lie lias indeed bowed the knee to Baal and sold his principles for 
a mess of pottage. If there was atiy one thing more than another to which he pro- 
fessed an unalterable attachment, it was the principle of protection, or as he expressed 
it, '"protection to American industry." Yet, in order to purchase Iree trade votes, 
he threw overboard the child of his aflecLion, leaving it to find fixvor or countenance 
as it could. Knowing that he has no possible c];aucc of getting so much as one 
electoral vote unless he is nominated at Baltimore, next July, by the Democrats, he 
is employing every measure and every artifice in his power to bring about such a 
consummation. He is in alliance with the Tammany King, as has been charged 
home to him, and has not been denied by himself or the Tribune. A late number of 
the New York Commercial Advertiser publishes the following suggestive paragraph : 
! "August Belmont, Horace Greeley, James S. Thayer, and Benjamin Wood 
breakfasted together at the New York Hotel yesterday morning at 10^. Has Tam- 
many sold out to Greeley, or has Greeley sold out to Tammany? Which?" 
1 We have the lion and the lamb lying down together — free trader and protectiionist 
CfDssing their legs under the same maliogany — Sqsv and Christian fraternizing in a 
anost exemplary manner. The files of the Log Cabin and of the Tribune would fur- 
nish volumes ot scurrility and abase which Horace Greeley poured out on the Loco 
I\3cos, Free Traders, Rum Party, Democrats, as he called them, and to whoin,he 
now cuddles, and to whom he sacrifices the opinions upon which he used to pride 
Jlfinself most. Here is a specimen of the compliments that formerly rained from hia 
"Point," he says: 




be 

]y or every election to give a large majority for that which stjiea itself 
the Democratic party." 

*' Take all tlie haunts of debauchery in the land and you will find niae-tentbg of 
their raa!;ter spirits aeliva participants of that same Deaiocracy." 

* * ''May it be v/ntleu on my grave that I never was its folloiTer, and lived 
and died in nothing^ its^lebtor." 

Here, is rhetoric for the Baltimore platform 1 

But i'frMr. Greeley is fraternizing with his old enemies, the "Loco Foco?," so La 
i^ coquettin.'? with his old enemies, the_Ku-KIus. The J'/'/ftjoie denounces the au- 
thority wh-ich it has been i^roppsed to continu3 in the President's hands to suspend the 
habeas corpus act where public safety may absolutely require it. This, eays the Tri- 
bune, is to put in the President's hands " a sivord to gain a re election — an iniquitous 
attempt to gag a,Dd fetter a people just beginnin,»_ to recover its freedom of speech 
and aelioa — a bill for keeping the South under military rule for political purposes," 
and more of the same purport and the same Democratic complexion. But how did . 
Mr. Greeley write of the same thing less than a year ago ? Hero are his words : 
. "I hold our Government bound by its duty of protecting our citizens iti their fun- 
damental rights, to pass and enforce laws lor the eritirpation of the execrable Ku- 
Klux conspiracy ; and if it has n<jt the power to do it, then I say our Government is 
no Government, but a cham. I therefore on every proper occasion advocated and 
justiSed the Ku-KIus act. I hold it especially desirable for the South; and if it 
does not prov-?, strong enough to elxcct its purpose, I hope it will be made stronger 
and stronger." 

Washehjnest then, or is he honest now? Did he want Ku Klux votes then, or 
does ho want them now? V^as he Horace Greeley then, or is he Augustus Belmont, 
Ben Tv'ood— Jciy. Davis— Greeley now? 

The Hand CJliincss looking cat of Chappaqua, belongs to the " Reformers " now. 
but when he did not'n'ant their votes, his paws were not so velvety. lie carried clawa 
on them then and scratched_the Reformers so vigorously, and kept up su:h a cater- 
urauling v/hi!e he was about it, that his present co-adjutors hated him with a hatred 
that had no discount. In September, 1S70, Greeley characterized this refcrm move- 
ment as " a conspiroxy to destro;; tin llepuhlican party ^ lie was speaking of the Carl 
Schurz and Gratz Browa organization in Missouri, in the same article he goes on to 
say: ^^ 

*' Governor LIcCLUiiG.of Missouri, was among those marked out for prostration hii 
this conspira''y. Accordingly, wo were nowise surprised when a minoriry of t-ielaie 
Republican Convention at Jefferson City, finding that they could not defeat Governor 
McClurg's renominatiou, bolted, resolved themselves into a hostile body and nomi 
natcdB. Gkaiz Bro^tn/o' Governor, tcithafulltichet to match. liight well </isse bclien 
knew that they could poll but a small portion of the Kepub!i;an vote ; but the Demo- 
crats had declined by preconcert to nominate a ticket, and. v;iil poll their 'full vote for 
the bolters ticket; andthis, it is hoped, will elect it." 

Here we find him giving his opinion of B. Gratz Brown, th'B man with whom he ia 
now yoked in the scrub race they are making for the Pr?side-jcy. Brown did not then 
fill a high place in Mr. Greeley's estimation. Brown's not changed. Brown is the 
game man now that he was then I How is it with our Chinese sage ? Was he honest 
then or now ? 

Now, one of the most obstreperous howls of Mr. Greeley is concerning the remoTul 
of all political disabilities. His bowels of compassion are moved over the unhapy^y 
ineligibility of Jeff. Davis to hold a national office. But when Mr. Greeley va-ote'tue 
article from which I have quoted, ho was in a state of darkness and error. Thzn he 
stigmatized the advocacy by the " Missouri Reformers" of'the removal of political 
disabilities as a fraud and a screen. He then said; "The question is seized by the 
minority as an excuse for bolting, and as a means of securing the Democratic vote for 
the boiling ticket." Nor does he rest here, but further along reiterates the same as- 
sertion, and says : " We urge every Eepublican Protectionist to vote for the Republi- 
can candidate. Let the free traders have a monopoly of the bolting business." 

So did Horace speak then, but now he hugs these unchanged "bolting free traders" 
to his bosom. Saul is among the prophets 1 

We have had Greeley's opinion of Gratz Brown, but in portraying the " Reform- 
ers " and in criticising and oppo?ing the movement, he also pays his compliments to 
Carl Schurz. In the Tribune of November 30, 1870, Mr. Greeley says : 

*' T he Missouri bolt was arranged in Washington last winter and then proclaimed 
n the free trade orgaue. The game was to get a minority of the Republicans to 
iunice with all the Democrats and revolutionize the State. To this end an issue on 
enfrA'-hisemsnt was indi3per1.s3.ble. Tha Democrats wave not all -Vrf^ -v.-i'lr-vs Viiu, 



they all wanted lluj rebels onfi-a'iciiis'j.l. iv.vl A-oa!d vo:.e ai;y lickil t;j secure '-hat 
end. Tbe Republicans were dividel ou eufr;in'..»li;seinoat ; 5o::ie brilieving that the 
time for it liad come, others' that it hal not. When, therefore, C.vp^u SenuKU, is x 
BULLYING, IRRITATINO sPEEcn, insisted that the Republican Oonveation' should n-ake 
enfranchiseraent a plank of its platform, the answer was obvions ; 

*' You ask Its to assert a falsehool — aamely, that wo are all i;> favor of eniVan- 
ehisemcnt when sorce of us are not." The Republicans udoptG'i a platforoa v.hicli 
Ic-fo every one free to vote for,or against eufraach;.-:oment as he j'.id.^ed best. Hero ipoa 
tLs predetermined bolt was made. We warn the Republicans t\vj.% the p.isti;x.- w'aS 
A SHAM : that enfranchisement was certain to ba carried anyhow : that tho real 
object of the bolt was to hand the S:ate o'/er to sham D:::ioc:{acy and free trade. 
And that is the nak(?d truth." 

Truthfully and v/ell spoke Mr. Greeley then,, and when nov- in the ravin^s-jo:' his 
" midsummer madne-js," he calls black white, and white black, we vaill appeal from 
Horace mad to Horace lucid — wo will confute Oreelayby c^trac's from Greeley. It 
Tvould make an interminable chapter to cite all the gross contradictions of Greeley's 
course. We shall only further cite him in regard to the illustrious soldier and ju- 
dicious statesman who is now President of the United States. We know how Gree- 
ley now execrates him and his administration — how the caldron seethes and boils 
with similar abuse. L°t us bring tlorace Greeley into court before he was a Presi- 
tiai candidate — before Herod and Pilate had joined hands. In June, 1S63, the fol- 
lowing is the testimony of our witness prior to his becoming a renegade : 

" Upon General Grant's accession to the Presidency a number of those who haci 
flupported his election, with some who had not, sought office at his hands or ex- 
pected him to bestow it unasked. He was unable to gratify their aspirations. 

" Their lamentations mingled with the howls of the disappointed, maye a dolefal 
dissonance, whereof the only meaning deducible runs thus ; ' Geu'i^ral Grant is found 
wanting — his administration is a failure 1' 

"Failure? how? in what! Have we not peace and plenty in the land? Is not 
our flag displayed and respected on every sea? What foreign foe molests or threat 
ena us? Who fears insurrection at home or invasion from abroad? {a which of th« 
thirtj-six States are the masses wanting work, discontented, EUuering? 

" Consider our financial condition. Nearly every State and municipality pay.ing 
off debts incurred in raising men for the war, while the national debt has been reduced 
nearly thirty millions in the four months that General Grant has had his hands on 
the helm. The public espenditure is falling off on every side, while the revenue is 
tip to high-water mark. 

"Yes, General Grant has failed to gratify some eager aspirations, and has thereby 
incurred some intense hatreds. These will not and do not ftil ; and his administra- 
tion will prove at least equally vital. We shall hear lamentation after lamentation 
over bis failure, from those whose wish is father to the thought ; but the American 
people let them pass unheeded. 'Their strong arms bore him triumphantly through 
the war and into the White House and they still uphold and cust5,la him . They :rsviK 

FAILED, AND NEVER WILLI" 

On the 29th*'of September, 1871, in a draft for a platform endorsed by Mr. Greeley, 
it was .said of the Administration that ; 

It abolished sJavery. 

It led in the suppression of the rebellion. 

It preserved and enlarged the Union. 

It promptly reduced the enormous forces thus required^ to a peace footing. 

It has reduced the debt over two hundred and fil'ty millions of dollars in the l&st 
throe years. 

It has simultaneously reduced public taxation over two hundred and fifty million! 
of dollars per annum. 

It has preserved peace on the frontier. 

It has won a friendly adjustment df the threatening troubles with Great Britain. 

In February, 1871, Mr. Greeley said : 

"We like General Grant ; but we cai-e far more for Picpublican ascendency than for 
any man's personal fortunes. It is in our view of great importance that the opposition 
ehall be kept out of power, ******* 

"For a Democratic national triumph means a restoration to power of those who de- 
serted their seats in Congress and their places under the last Democratic President to 
plunge tTie country inii the Red Sea of Secession and Rebellion. Though you paint 
an inch thick, to this complexion you must come at last. The brain, the heart, ih© 
eoul of the present Democratic party is the rebel element at the South with its North- 
ern allies and sympathizers. It is rebel at the core to-da^. * * * 

"It Would hail the election of a Democratic Pfe'sident in 1872 as a virtual reversal 
of the Appomattox surrender. It would oomt; into power with tlie hate, the chagrin, 



the v^ra'h, the :u rlificadcn. 'if le;! bitter y;!ars. to iinpt:;! ami <j;ui(^e its steps. It 
wonM hail tl\e tilings of iiation^vl baakruptcy with unalloyed gladness and uacon- 
ceaU'l exuitJi'io!'. 'A'hiitever chaslisemeat may be d3served by our national sins, we 
muM hope that ii:i.< disgrace and humiliation will be spared us." 

On the 5th of .7a:iunrj, 1871, when making some remarks on taking his seat aa 
chairman of a Republican Committee, Mr. Greeley said: 

" As to the adixiir.istraiion of Gex. Guan't, I recognize no one as a Republican 
who is rot grateful for its judicious, energetic, and successful efforts to procure the 
ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, that key stone of our political arch, whereby 
the fruits of our great triumph over rebellion and slavery are assured and perpetuated. 
While asserting the right of every Republican to his untramuieled choice of a candi- 
date for next President until a nomination is made, I venture to suggest than Gen. 
Gra.v!' will be far b.:-tter q'jaliiied for that momentous trust in 187 J than he was in 
186S.'' 

II -re Mr. GrL-eu'^y, vmr .so strenuous for the one term principle, nominated General 
Grai!!. for a second term. The views he expresses concerning the President and the 
Administration ar-j juU and true, and are and will be endorsed by the great body of 
the people. The blind and vindictive denunciation in which Grecl«y has since in- 
dulged, can never obliterate the record he has himself written of General Grant's 
eaiiusnt ability and perfect integrity. 

noa.tCK or.KKr.K7 as a suce.ssioxist. 

We well know ti:j,o the American people are both forgetful-and forgiving of political 
errors of judgment and iaconsiatency. It is comparatively of little avail to prove 
that '<x.nj public man has b-oen on ail sides of all public questions. This is to be re- 
gretted, because i' hai shorn political affairs of their mDr.al and conscientious power, 
and has reduced them to a great extent to mere professions, dictated by conve- 
nience. 

Kr. owing that thia is the c^sc, we would scarcely deem it worth our time to prove 
that Horace Greeley has entsrtained upon the tariff and slavery questions and upon 
all economic measures, opinions entirely different from those that are professed by 
the great masses of his probable supporters. Dit there is one question which goes 
deep'T down to the issae of the life and death of our nation, and this is the question 
of the right of secession. Whether the American continent shall be one and indivisi- 
ble, vhethcr it shall remain a grcMt power with all the rights, privileges, and immu- 
nitifcs of a great power: v/hathor the Aai'.-ricau citizen shall b=; respected in the 
farthest corner of the earih, because a ilag of power v/avos over him, or whether ha 
shall be subjected to the iasults of all, because a fragment of a nation only s^istains 
him, is aa issue cf the greatest importance, ft touches the patriotism of all, and 
ought never to be ms.do a.u issue in a political campaign. D.it how can it be avoided 
■when Horace Greeley not merely once, but repeately and coatinusHy has professed 
the doctrine and ha.s endeavored to justify it by the misapplication of the Dechiratioa 
of Independence ; that a.'.v/ number of States, as he s;iy.', the Gulf Spates, the' cotton 
States, or the siavo States, or it may ba a sin:;-le Stat?, has the ri^ht to sece Je from 
the Union : and thU the Government of the U;;i'ed Stages h ts '^powTIr' nor moral 
right to resist tieir d:s3sverzneat of the Union, \Vo shall show by the following ex- 
trac:, which might bo in ulti plied to the score of a'dozen, that Horace Greeley is fully 
comr.iitted to the doctrine of the tight of secession. And what is more singular, is 
this,_ that rcpeatc-darg'ameutatioaa in his editorials were more thin a year thereafter 
conilraied, and laid dov,-n as his doliberate julgment in the letter written in J,8'3^: 
,and that he haa u^ver since that time hi any way recalled those declarations. 

Here is one of the extracts : 

' '^\v ehave repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principleembodied 
'bj JiiFFERSON in the Declaration of Araerican'Independence, that Governments derive 
their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and just ; and that if the 
slave States, the cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an independent 




reasonable patience, and they will be let off in peace and good will. " Whenever it 
shall he dear. that the great uodi/ of the Southern people are conclusively alienated from 
the bnion, and anxiousto escape from it, wswill do ourbast to foricard their views.'' — 
Tribune, Feb. 2,i, 1S61. 

x\,.> wonder that the South so unanimously rallies to his support. Suppose Horace 
ore': ley is elected and has carried a majority of the Congressional districts, as he 
naiuvally would in case of election. Suppose the South meets again ia Conveutioa 
and uemandis a= a right that it be allowed to secede. 'And suppose Horace Greeley, 
who \Um& could legally convene an extra ses^ioa of Congress, should refuse t;o exer- 



8 



ihe tbe perogatlve, is there auy poAver, except that of revolution, or o. a violent 
iepo^ition of the President and the establishment of dictatorshiD, that prevent the 
South from re-establishing the Confederate MUitary Government and secure their 

recognition of foreign nations? , ^, . tt • t-o^i u i. ^i /-■ 

SuT>poso Horace Greeley had been in the White House in 1861, would not the Con- 
faderate Government have become an established fact, and our country a scene of 

anarcliy and confusion ? . i, i t i. i, «■ i » 

We appeal to all thinking men, to all patriots, to all soldiers who have offered to 
bring the greatest sacrifice, which men can bring upon the altar of any causae tuat ot 
life ftself, whether thev can sustain a man who repeatedly has declared himself m favor 
of secession, and who'has never revoked nor recalled these declarations. 

These declarations moreover were made at a time when there was the greatest need 
of firmness, and in circumstances which greatly aided and encouraged the traitors ot 
the South and disconcerted, and brought weakness and dissensions into the^ counsels 

° It^seemsTo us not within the realms of probability that the patriotic people of the 
nation, who brought such enormous sacrifices to the cause of unity, and who are now 
paying the principle and interest of the debt of thousands of millions of dollars, and 
who still cherish with sorrow the losses of fathers, sons, and brothers, should delib- 
erately condemn themselves and justify secession by the elevation to the Presidency of 
a man who declared in favor of the right of secession, and who denied the pow6r of 
coercion. We earnetly appeal to our public writers and ppeakersto bring tnis view 
of the question home to the American people, because this secession record deliber- 
ately made, and never recalled, goes to the very life and existence of tbe nation. It la 
the one source, the one and only source of weakness in our 6ystem._ And by not bring- 
in<' Jefferson Davis to trial, the question of the right of secession has never been 
judicially determined ; and Horke Greeley took good care, as far as his influence ex- 
tended, that it never should be. ,, , . . r rti ^„f„V.1,%1, 

We would much rather Horace Greeley professed doctrines in favor of the establish- 
ment of a monarchy or dictatorship, because his influence would be less daugeroug 
for these sentiments would find only few foUowefS ; but these ipsidious questions of 
States rights and secession is one that will always be popular in the South, and will 
have its seductive influence everywhere. „„„^„~* 

The issue is striking and radical between General Grant, who by his skill, courage, 
enterprise, strategy, prowress, and the sacrifices of his heroic nien saved the Union, 
when the indifferent and unpatriotic Horace Greeley staid at home, and counseled 

''unconditional surrender." . , . , ' .^ j r *!,„„•.„„ /,<'fT,a 

Let us insist, then, that this great American continent inheri ed from the sires of the 
Revolution, the support of Republican institutions of the world the peaceful home of 
millions from other lands, the exile home of refuge, the hope of better days among the 
Governments and nations, shall remain one and indivisible in glory and power. Let 
tie dastardly and cowardly hand that is raised apinst this beautiful edifice of State 
be thrust aside, and let theinsiduous couselors of secession, disunion, ^^d division be 
remanded to obscurity. Let this issue be fully and fairly made and we have no doubt 
but that the intelligent and patriotic masses, who have brought so many sacrifices for 
this unity in time of war, will also with, a united and earnest voice sustain it in time 

°Tgrand nation inspires grand deeds; an illuminated continent induces a wider 
mentfl vision and more expansive thought. The influences of a g^^at State enlarges 
the heart and increases philanthropic impulses, so that in the true ^^^ncan citizen 
we seethe prince of unbounded charity and a freedom of action and thought that can 
never be found among the inhabitants of insignificant States. All that we may have- 
alTthat we may expe^ct to be-in fact, the future of the world dep^^ds upon h^^^^^^^ 
6ue-for if the dark pall of anarchy, confusion, and subdivision with the r Jealo^sifs 
and their standing Irmies should ' settle upon the American continent where the 
Soblem of self-government has had the fairest trial, tyranny oppression, and mental 
Sd moral daxk£es3 would settle like a polar midnight upon the entire globe a\id the 
light of Liberty would be extinguished forever. 






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